Religion and Politics in the Philippines1. Brief Introduction 1. Brief Introduction to Religion and Politics in the Philippines The Philippines has a population of nearly 102 million, with a population growth rate of 1.9%. It had a 2010 HDI ranking of #97 and a 2010 CPI ranking of 2.4. The 2000 Census listed the Philippines as 80.9% Catholic, 2.8% Evangelical, 2.3% Iglesia ni Kristo, 2% Aglipayan, 4.5% other Christian, 5% Muslim, 1.8% other, .6% unspecified, and .1% none. The Hanson book labels the Philippines as “Latin Asia” because Spain colonized the islands with a system similar to that used in Latin America. In fact, Madrid supplied the Philippines through Mexico, so that the returning lumbering “Manila galleons” were often preyed upon by British privateers in the Pacific. The Spanish system provided a powerful Catholic hierarchy which exercised strong political and social influence, and, at times, criticized the representatives of the state. In 1898, during the Spanish-American War, the American navy under Commodore Dewey captured Manila. Filipinos fought a hard battle for Independence, but they had to wait until after the World War II defeat of Japan before they formed their own independent nation. Many analysts have noted that the failed wars of independence left their scars, physically, psychologically, and politically. The Philippines constitutes a unique example globally of a sultanistic regime returning to democracy by a non-violent revolution. When Ferdinand Marcos declared martial law in 1972, the Philippine Catholic Bishops Conference (CBCP) remained cautious for the first two years. Then the Church became more critical of the regime’s human rights record. What pushed Manila’s Cardinal Sin into the political as opposed to the moral opposition was the assassination of the leading opposition leader, Benigno Aquino, when he retuned for “medical exile” in the United States. Sin brought together a coalition of noncommunist popular movements, traditional political elites, legitimate business interests and the Reform the Armed Forces Now Movement (RAM) organized by Generals Juan Ponce Enrile and Fidel Ramos. When Marcos called a “snap election” in February 1986 to bolster his democratic credentials for his American patrons, Benigno’s widow Corazon Aquino won with the support of the coalition. The citizens of Manila, called into the streets by Cardinal Sin’s Radio Veritas, protected Enrile and Ramos in the crucial hours. The United States pulled out Marcos. The current Philippine political system faces many challenges. Designed on an American model, power remains with elite families in the various regions, for example, the Marcoses still control Ilocos Norte. Political parties remain weak. Ateneo de Manila professor Jose Magadia relates his analysis to Latin American treatments of “associative networks” in post-authoritarian regimes. Compared with other Southeast Asian nations, the Philippine population is growing very fast, so that the country has a projected 2050 population of 154 million, more than Russia or Japan at that time. Protestant President Ramos (1992-98) advocated birth control, but ran into the opposition of the Catholic Church. The high unemployment rate means that many Filipinos, roughly 25% of the work force, have gone abroad to work, primarily in the Middle East and secondarily in the United States. Their remittances remain absolutely essential to the national economy, and they are looked upon as heroes at home. But the country thus lacks a vibrant middle class to build political stability. And the high social stratification has exacerbated the Communist and Muslim rebellions. The Church cooperated in a second non-violent change, forcing the resignation of ex-movie star President Estrada for corruption in 2001, but remained neutral when charges were brought against his successor President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo for election fraud after her 2004 election. Presidents serve a single six-year term, but they have often unsuccessfully attempted to change the Constitution. On May 10, 2010, Senator Benigno Aquino, son of the above assassinated leader, won the presidency over Joseph Estrada and others. Hanson (2006), pp. 270-74, discusses “Latin Asia: the Philippines.” 2. A Short Introductory Course to Religion and Politics in the Philippines Thompson explains the Marcos Regime as a type of sultanistic government. Wooster details the activities of the Catholic Church in the overthrow of the Marcos regime. Magadia describes policy making in the restored democracy. Griswold provides some material on recent religion and politics, especially Protestantism and Islam. Thompson, Mark R., “The Marcos Regime in the Philippines,” in Chehabi, H.E. and Linz, Juan J., Sultanistic Regimes (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1998), 206-30. Wooster, Henry, “Faith at the Ramparts: The Philippine Catholic Church and the 1986 Revolution,” in Johnston, Douglas, and Sampson, Cynthia, eds. Religion, The Missing Dimension of Statecraft (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994), 153-76. Magadia, Jose J. State-Society Dynamics: Policy Making in a Restored Democracy. (Manila: Ateneo de Manila University Press, 2003). Griswold, Eliza. The Tenth Parallel: Dispatches From the Fault Line Between Christianity and Islam (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2010), pp. 243-76. 3. Other Key Resource Materials for Religion and Politics in the Philippines See January-February Asian Survey for annual summaries of Philippine politics. Jenkins, Philip. The New Faces of Christianity: Believing the Bible in the Global South (New York: Oxford University Press, 2006). Ramos, Fidel V. Break Not the Peace: The Story of the GRP-MNLF Peace Negotiations, 1992-1996 (Manila: Author and Friends, 1996). 4. Recent News Articles on the Philippines “New Philippine Leader Calls for Unity During Transition,” New York Times, January 21, 2001. President Joseph Estrada steps down and Vice-President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo takes over. Estrada was accused of corruption, and the society, with the backing of Cardinal Jaime Sin, united to force him out. A second article covers her background. “Educated Filipinos, Disillusioned at Home, Look Abroad for a Better Life,” New York Times, April 8, 2002. The failure of the post-Marcos leadership to solve societal problems for those who would form the middle class. “Resisting Birth Control, the Philippines Grows Crowded,” New York Times, March 21, 2003. Philippine populations statistics, with comparison to other Southeast Asian nations. “Special assembly of bishops on elections evokes mixed reactions,” Asia Focus, April 30, 2004. The second special assembly. The first followed Marcos’s announcement of a snap election in 1986. Both special assemblies dealt with combating election fraud. Many of the bishops at the special assembly headed local NAMFREL (National Citizen’s Movement For Free Elections) units. Additional article on retirement of Bishop Francisco Claver, social justice and enculturation advocate and bete noire of Ferdinand Marcos. “Filipino bishops neutral on president,” San Jose Mercury News, July 11, 2005. The CBCP said it would not join calls for President Arroyo to resign as it had in the cases of Marcos and Estrada. However, it did call on her “to discern deeply to what extent she might have contributed to the erosion of effective governance and whether the erosion is so severe as to be irreversible.” Obit of “Cardinal Jaime Sin, Filipino Moral Compass, Dies at 76,” New York Times, June 21, 2005. Sin participated in the removal of Presidents Marcos for human rights abuses and Estrada for corruption, and had a tense relationship with Protestant President Fidel Ramos (1992-98), whose administration advocated birth control. Cardinal Sin retired as Archbishop of Manila in November 2003 at age 75. “The Philippines: A Perpetual Crisis,” San Jose Mercury News, March 5, 2006. “Today, Philippine democracy, designed by the United States, is little more than a ruthless contest among rival clans” with territorial control, for example, the Marcoses in Ilocos Norte. “For Philippine Military, Politics Remains a Crucial Mission,” New York Times, March 5, 2006. President Arroyo has just removed the state of emergency she instituted to foil a coup. The tradition of coups since 1986, based on contrast between high-minded education at the Philippine Military Academy and the darker realities of combat duty and the real world. Soldiers now fighting Communist revolution, Muslim insurgency, and vicious Abu Sayyaf. “Killing of Leftists Are Rising in Philippines, Groups Say,” New York Times from International Herald Tribune, August 25, 2006. Threat to human rights groups, farmers associations, labor organizers, church workers, activist lawyers, and leftist local officials from “suspected security forces.” Amnesty International report. President Arroyo has condemned and set up commission to investigate.” "A Good Provider Is One Who Leaves," fine article by Jawon DeParle, New York Times Magazine, April 22, 2007, on Philippine global immigration. "Death and Fraud Reports Mar Philippine Vote," New York Times, May 15, 2007. The Philippines elects senators, representatives, and local officials, with some violence. "Father Bossi released, questions raised about his kidnapping," Asia Focus, July 27, 2007. PIME Father Giancarlo Bossi, kidnapped by the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), released by Philippine military. Questions of political and military use by government. "Poverty, killings tope Philippine Church concerns," Asia Focus, August 3, 2007. Following Arroyo's state of the nation address in which she promised to fight poverty and hunger, and generate more foreign investment, the media office of the Catholic Bishops' Conference issued a statement that, "The picture of the Philippines is not as good as what she (Arroyo) told us because we (still) experience real poverty and extrajudicial killings." "Fiercely Loyal Crowds Throng Manila to Say Goodbye to 'Cory,'" New York Times, August 6, 2009. Outpouring of grief for president who restored democracy. The current president Arroyo had been ad odds with Cory, so she visited the bier early in the morning, but did not attend the funeral. "Filipinos Lament How Far They Haven't Come," New York Times, August 20, 2009. With the death of Cory Aquino, Filipinos reflect on the imperfections of their country and its democratic system. August 16, 2011. |
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