Religion and Politics in Thailand, Sri Lanka, and Myanmar (Burma)1. Brief Introduction 1. Brief Introduction to Religion and Politics in Thailand, Sri Lanka, and Myanmar This entry combines Thailand, Sri Lanka, and Myanmar because these countries all have a Theravada Buddhist two-thirds majority and ethnic political issues, including a minority population from another religion(s). See, for example, the Barnes article below which easily relates all three countries in its discussion of women religious. Buddhist monks in these countries represent a long tradition of practice and scholarship, so that many people from other countries come there to study and to practice Buddhism in their monastic communities. There are, however, differences in society and politics among the three nations. Thailand has a population 66.7 million, with a population growth rate of .57% (July 2011 est.). It had a 20 HDI ranking of #92 and a 2010 CPI ranking of 3.5. The 2000 Census reported the country as 94.6% Buddhist, 4.6% Muslim, .7% Christian, and .1% other. Ethnically, the country is 75% Thai, 14% Chinese, and 11% other. Buddhism provides the traditional cultural and religious values for the society, with the king standing as the representative and the leader of the nation. The strong relation of the Sangha and kingship can be traced to the model of the great Indian king convert to Buddhism, Asoka (269-232 B.C.E.). The Thai military also maintains strong connections to both the king and Buddhism. In social crises, the king can intervene in the interests of the nation, as in the April 2006 resignation of Premier Thaksin Shinawatra. While the gap between the countryside and the cities and its impact on democracy remains the major social issue, Muslims in southern Thailand have protested what they claim is heavy-handed and unfair treatment from the Buddhist north, generating some violence in the country. General Sondhi Boonyaratkalin, with the support of the king, staged a bloodless coup while Thaksin was at the United Nations. After a period of incompetent military rule, in which Thaksin and 110 other party members were excluded from the next elections, the next elections were held on December 23, 2007. Thaksin's People Power Party won a plurality of 233 seats in the 480-seat parliament, with the challenger Democrat Party winning 165. Thus, the struggle between forces representing the poor and lower-middle-class rural voters versus the traditional urban elites continued, with the urban-based opposition coalescing in the People's Alliance for Democracy (PAD). King Bhumibol Adulyadej is 80 and ailing, and much loved by the populace as a center of national unity. Thaksin's party, led by his youngest sister Yingluck, won a majority of the seats in the July 2011 election, and formed a stronger coalition government to fend off the possibility of a coup. Sri Lanka, formerly known as Ceylon, has a population of over 21 million, with a population growth rate of .93% (July 2011 est.). It had a 2010 HDI ranking of #91 and a 2010 CPI ranking of 3.2. The 2001 provisional census listed the country as 69.1% Buddhist, 7.6% Muslim, 7.1% Hindu, 6.2% Christian, and 10% unspecified. The same census reported that the country was 73.8% Sinhalese, 7.2% Sri Lankan Moors, 4.6% Indian Tamil, 3.9% Sri Lankan Tamil, and 10% unspecified. The Sinhalese tend to be Buddhist, while the Tamils tend to be Hindu or Christian. 65,000 Sri Lankans were killed in interethnic conflict between 1983 and 2002, when a U.N.-mediated cease-fire went into effect. The 2005 tsunami abetted the gradual dissolution of the cease-fire during 2005, and the government won a complete victory in May 2008 (see articles below). In the Introductory Course, Seneviratne discusses the positive and negative impacts of textual, syncretistic, and modern Buddhism on the conflict. Anagarika Dharmapala (1864-1933), who imagined a past glorious Buddhist utopia in which the monks played a central role, articulated a new role for monks in colonial Ceylon. He called for moral regeneration and rearmament by restoring the monk to his former primacy in social life, but with a modern economic life. His vision was split into two, the conservatism of Vidyodaya monastic college and the radical nationalism of Viyalankara. Both currents influence Sri Lanka to this day, with the former contributing to peace and the latter supporting an exclusivist Sinhalese state. Seneviratne identifies some of the conservative organizations as the Voice of the Clergy, the Vibhavi Centre, the Social Scientists’ Association, some nongovernmental organizations, and publications like the weekly Ravaya. Mahinda Rajapksa was reelected to the presidency in January 2010 and his United People's Freedom Alliance won a majority, but not two-thirds, of the parliament in April 2010. His control of Sri Lankan politics does not bode well for the Tamils, who generally supported his opponent ex-General Sarath Fonseka. Rajapksa arrested Fonseka after his victory. Myanmar remains a closed authoritarian military state of nearly 54 million, with a population growth rate of 1.08% (July 2011 est). It had a 2010 HDI ranking of #132 and a very low 2010 CPI ranking of 1.4. It is 89% Buddhist, 4% Christian (3% Baptist, 1% Roman Catholic), 4% Muslim, 1% animist, and 2% other. The junta began shifting the seat of government from Yangon [Rangoon] to the Pyinman area of central Burma in November 2005, and dispersed universities to make student protest less likely. The last unfettered elections were held in May 1990, but the junta never allowed the parliament to convene. The National League for Democracy (NLD), with Aun San Suu Kyi as its secretary general, won 392 of 485 seats at that time. This Nobel Prize winner has been under house arrest for 12 of the last 18 years. See below for protests by Buddhist monks in September and October 2007. On May 3, 2008, Cyclone Nargis, the deadliest to hit Asia in 38 years, left more than 130,000 dead and over two million homeless. In August the junta announced very circumscribed elections for November 7, and released Suu Kyi after that. Hanson (2006), pp. 107-10, discusses “Out of India: Hinduism and Buddhism.” 2. A Short Introductory Course to Buddhism and Politics in South and Southeast Asia Obeyesekere discusses the role of especially Theravada Buddhism in forming ethics. Senevirate covers the role of Buddhism in the Sri Lankan conflict. Aung San Suu Kyi discusses Buddhism and democracy in Burma. Barnes offers a fine comparative summary of women’s roles in all three countries, plus Tibet and China. Obeyesekere, Gananath, “Buddhism and Conscience,” in Daedalus (1991). Seneviratne, H.L., “Religion and Conflict: The Case of Buddhism in Sri Lanka,” in Johnston, Douglas, Faith-Based Diplomacy: Trumping Realpolitik (New York: Oxford University Press, 2003), 76-90. Kyi, Aung San Suu, “Burma’s Quest for Democracy,” World Religions and Democracy (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 2005), 75-86. Barnes, Nancy J., “Buddhist Women and the Nuns’ Order in Asia,” in Queen, Christopher S., and King, Sallie B., eds. Engaged Buddhism: Buddhist Liberation Movements in Asia (Albany, NY: SUNY, 1996), 259-94. This article discusses women religious and the movement to reestablish the bhikshuni sangra [ordained women mendicantes] in Sri Lanka, Thailand, Burma, Tibet, and the Chinese tradition. Monks and laity in the Theravada countries oppose full ordination, but have developed other women’s organizations: the dasa sil matavo in Sri Lanka, the mae ji in Thailand, and the thila-shin in Thailand. Taiwan has fostered the bhikshuni sangra as part of its Buddhist revival. The role of the male bhikshu sangra as “fields of merit” is important to both monks and laity, especially in the rural areas. 3. Other Key Resource Materials: See January-February Asian Survey for annual summaries of politics in Thailand, Sri Lanka, and Myanmar. Bond, George D., “Sarvodaya Shramadana’s quest for peace,” in Queen, Christopher, Prebish, Charles, and Keown, Damien. Action Dharma: New Studies in Engaged Buddhism (London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2003). This is an analysis of the organization’s peace work in Sri Lanka. Bond identifies three influences: Gandhian ideals, for example, ahimsa [non-violence] and swaraj [self-realization]; Theravada teaching, starting with the first two verses of the Dhammapada; and the underlying spiritual unity of all religions (also Gandhian). Darlington, Susan M., “Buddhism and development: The ecology monks of Thailand,” in Queen, Christopher, Prebish, Charles, and Keown, Damien. Action Dharma: New Studies in Engaged Buddhism (London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2003). This volume reads very well as a continuance of Queen and King (1996). It is divided into four sections: Historical Roots, Asian Narratives, Western Frontiers, and Three Critiques. Tambiah, Stanley Jeyaraja. Buddhism Betrayed? Religion, Politics, and Violence in Sri Lanka. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992. 4. Recent News Articles (a. Thailand; b. Sri Lanka; c.Myanmar): a. Thailand: “Schools in Thailand Under Ethnic Siege,” New York Times, July 6, 2005. Muslims in South attack educators, as situation deteriorates. “Islamic insurgent warns Thailand,” San Jose Mercury News, September 24, 2005. Lukman B. Lima, acting head of Pattani United Liberation Organization (PULO), gives a press conference in Jakarta, threatening help from foreign fighters. “Thai Premier Quits His Post, Ending Turmoil,” New York Times, April 5, 2006. After meeting with the King, Thaksin Shinawatra resigns, even though he claimed to have won the recent election which was boycotted by the opposition. His five years of increasingly tumultuous rule, based on populist connections to the countryside, thus came to an end. “Leader of Coup in Thailand Sets Timetable,” New York Times, September 20, 2006. General Sondhi calls for interim government in two weeks, a new constitution and elections to follow “sometime around October 2007.” “Farmers, laborers, and students” and media warned to stay out of politics. “Thailand Reinterprets the Rules of Democracy Again,” New York Times, September 21, 2006. Analysis of “Coup for Democracy” and advocacy of keeping Thaksin’s populist measures of village development and health care, “however calculating and paternalistic” in their introduction. "However Vote Goes, Tense Future Looms for Thailand," New York Times, December 23, 2007. Analysis of social forces behind Thai politics. Thaksin opponent and economist Ammar Siamwalla repeated common witicism: "Two good things came out of the coup. We got rid of Thaksin even if for a year and, two, it shows that the military can't even come back into power because it has been so incompetent." "Ousteed Thai Leader Says He'll Return but Forgo Politics," New York Times, December 26, 2007. Analysis of election results and Thaksin response. "Turbulence Is Predicted For New Chief In Thailand," New York Times, January 29, 2008. New prime minister Samak Sundaravej, 72, leader of the People Power Party of Thaksin and royalist, represents coalition of parties that control 65% of parliament. However, because of Samak's support for 1976 and 1992 crackdowns, some analysts think he will have a short tenure. "Protests Strain Thai Coalition and Put Focus on Deadlock," New York Times, June 4, 2008. Protests by ten thousand urbanites against the Samak government, opposing rewriting the Constitution and calling for the corruption trial of Thaksin. Political protest is a long Thai tradition, but some unease because this one is against a democratically elected government. Minister Jakrapob Penkair, accused of insulting king, resigned. "Power of the People Fights Democracy in Thai Protests," New York Times, September 12, 2008. Analysis of the fact "the protest is more like a counterrevolution by the Thai establishment against the rising electoral power of the rural poor." "Beyond the Current Crisis, Thai Tensions Run Deep," New York Times, October 20, 2008. "The country is split right down the middle." "Thailand's Winds Shift, Setting a Power Broker Adrift," New York Times, December 18, 2008. Thaksin loses control of Thailand's electoral politics for the first time in a decade. "Thai Rebels Recruiting in Schools, Study Says," New York Times, June 22, 2009. International Crisis Group report on Islamic insurgency, but not apparently tied to international terrorism. "Widening Disparity Strains Traditional Bonds of Thai Society," New York Times, April 1, 2010. Thailand has a wider gap between rich and poor than, for example, China, the Philippines, or Vietnam. This gap is no longer acceptable to many "prai" (commoners) who have become the heart of the red protests. "Thai Party Forms Alliance To Secure Hold on Power, New York Times, July 5, 2011. Yingluck Shinawata forms coalition and discusses plans. Military denies desire for coup. b. Sri Lanka: “Sri Lanka Faces the Divisions Within,” New York Times, January 8, 2003. Description of societal divisions following February 2002 Cease-fire. 65,000 people were killed between 1983 and 2002. “Nearly a Year After the Tsunami, Sri Lanka Strife Flares,” New York Times, November 2, 2005. The dissolution of the formal cease-fire, abetted by the tsunami. “A Hawk Narrowly Wins Sri Lankan Presidential Election,” New York Times, November 19, 2005. Mahinda Rajapakse won with 50.29 percent of the vote. His rival, Ranil Wickremesinghe, much more accommodating view on the peace process, garnered 48.4 percent. Wickremesinghe was hurt by the lack of voting in Tamil Tiger areas. The Tigers did not call for a boycott, but they discouraged voting. “As Sri Lankan Port City Erupts, Echoes of Nation’s Bloody Past,” New York Times, May 15, 2006. Riots in Trincomalee, port with mixed population, in year since provocative erection of Buddha statue. Catholic priest George Dissanayake, Secretary of the Inter-Religious Peace Foundation, “We have gone back 20 years.” “Sri Lankans risk their lives to flee to India, escape deadly violence,” San Jose Mercury News, June 19, 2006. Report on dissolution of peace process. Sri Lankan navy seeks to prevent refugees going to India. “Sri Lankan Rebels Blamed for Killing of Army General,” New York Times, June 27, 2006. Norwegian monitors blame LTTE for killing of Sri Lankan army’s third-ranking general in Colombo. “Church urges government, LTTE to stop slaughtering civilians,” Asia Focus, August 25, 2006. Declaration of Conference of Major Religious Superiors in Sri Lanka. “Resumption of Sri Lanka War Tests Civilians’ Endurance,” New York Times, September 18, 2006. Summary of deaths, missing persons, etc. as truce as broken down in aftermath of Rajapakse election. Two conclusions: some important government military victories; no power-sharing deals offered by Rajapakse government. "Lankan prelate slams politician's killing," Asia Focus, January 18, 2008. Colombo Archbishop Oswald Gomis joins many others in denouncing the assassination of opposition politician Thiagarajah Maheswaran as he worshiped in a Hindu temple. Maheswaran, a human rights crusader who denounced abuses on both sides, was one of 37 Tamil representatives in the 225-seat parliament. "Ethnic Divide Worsens as Sri Lanka Conflict Escalates," New York Times, March 8, 2008. Escalation began nearly two years ago with suspected rebel attacks on soldiers, followed by military seizure of rebel-held territory in the east and full-scale attack on Tanmil Tiger strongholds in the north. In January 2008 President Mahinda Rajapaksa's administration called off the 2002 cease fire, and the Norwegian mediators left the country. The administration has pursued the war and refused the entry of U.N. human rights monitors. "Catholics rally for all worship places to be 'war-free zones,'" Asia Focus, May 2, 2008. Mass and protest rally sponsored by Catholic NGO Centre for Society and Religion (CSR), calling for protection of Buddhist, Christian, Hindu, and Muslim worship places from both the army and the LTTE. Catholics are particularly concerned about the shrine to Our Lady of Madhu. "Sri Lankan War Nears End, But Peace Remains Distant," New York Times, February 18, 2009. Tamil Tigers losing war, but Tamil general grievances unaddressed. "War's End in Sri Lanka: Bloody Family Triumph," New York Times, May 20, 2009. Background of President Mahinda Rajapaksa, and brothers Gotabya, secretary of defense, and Basil, special diplomatic adviser, in upper-caste Sihalese landed gentry, no in Colombo's English-educated elite. "Displaced by War, Many Tamils Languish in Sri Lankan Camps," New York Times, July 13, 2009. Civilian suffering continues. "Justifying A Costly War In Sri Lanka," New York Times, July 19, 2009. President justifies brutal campaign, and general discussion of that justification. "Sri Lankan Leader Dissolves Parliament," New York Times, February 10, 2010. After defeating ex-General Sarath Fonseka, President Mahinda Rajapksa arrested Fonseka and dissolved parliament in the hopes of increasing the clout of his United People's Freedom Alliance. In April the UPFA did win 144 of 225 seats with 60% of the vote. c. Myanmar "Protests Persist in Myanmar, Despite Arrests by Junta," New York Times, August 31, 2007. Protests began on August 19 when the government sharply raised the price of fuel and other goods and services. Impact of Internet and other technologies in spreading this decentralized movement. Comparison with giant 1988 demonstrations that led to military coup. "Monks' Protest Is Challenging Burmese Junta," New York Times, September 24, 2007. Monks, the highest moral authority in Burmese culture, take to streets. Some monks visit Aung San Suu Kyi at her house arrest. Government threatens to crack down the following day. "What Makes A Monk Mad," New York Times, September 30, 2007. The protests, initially led by student activists, began on August 19 after price increases. The monks became active after security officials beat monks in Pakokku on September 5. Myanmar has roughly the same number of soldiers and monks, both coming from similar poor backgrounds. To protest, the monks turn over their food bowls, refusing to accept alms from the higher military and their families. The hero of the struggle against British colonialism was U Wisara, who died in prison in 1929 after a 166-day hunger strike. His statue stands near the Shwedagon Pagoda, the nation's holiest shrine and rallying point for the recent demonstrations. "Monks Are Silenced, and for Now, the Web Is, Too," New York Times, October 4, 2007. The role of the Internet in the Myanmar protests and globally. "Up in Alms: Burma's Dictators Exploit Buddhism and the Monks Fight Back," Wall Street Journal, October 5, 2007. The government's attempt to use Buddhist piety for its political legitimacy and the monks protest. Generals have often donated to and visited temples. In the Democracy protests of 1988, 600 of the 10,000 people killed were monks. They also participated in the 1990 protests on the second anniversary of the killings. Aung San Suu Kyi has become much more devout since returning to the country, and her followers practice Buddhist meditation to survive in jail. "Burma's Most Wanted," Wall Street Journal, February 2, 2008. Covert interview of Ashin Kovida, who chaired the impromptu Sangha (Monks) Representative Committee which organized the protests. Committee consisted of 24- to 28-year-old monks without political orientation. It began after several monks were beaten on September 5, 2007, in the central city of Pakokku. Protests used "sasana" (Buddhist) flags, and only gradually did the National League of Democracy participate. NDL representatives gave speeches on September 25. "In Cyclone Relief, Monks Succeed Where Generals Falter," New York Times, May 31, 2008. Buddhist monks and monasteries as spiritual centers of villages, providing immediate social services and emotional comfort. "In times of immense suffering like this, people have nowhere to go except to monks." Ambiguity and tension with government. "Myanmar Writhes In the Grip Of Its Junta," New York Times, September 26, 2008. On the first anniversary of the protests, the military has regained control. "Power, politics and the church in Burma," National Catholic Reporter, July 23, 2010. Burmese Catholic monk criticizes weak response by Catholic bishops to "Saffron Revolution" protests of 2007. Comparison with much stronger Buddhist monks and Evangelical Fellowship of Asia, representing country's 1.5 million Protestants. Catholics are less numerous and weaker. "Myanmar Schedules Elections, With Limits," New York Times, August 14, 2010. Announcement of elections, with severe limitations, on November 7. Aung San Suu Kyi will still be under arrest, many seats reserved for military, many officers have left military to run, little time for opposition parties to prepare, National Defense and Security Council has power to overrule government. "Freed Dissident in Myanmar Publicly Calls for Reconciliation and Change," New York Times, November 15, 2011. Six days after election, Suu Kyi speaks to a large and enthusiastic crowd. August 17, 2011. |
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