UkraineSee also Eastern Europe, Russia/Belarus. 1. Brief Introduction 1. Brief Introduction: The Ukraine has a population of nearly 47 million, with a negative population growth rate of -.6%. It had a 2006 HDI ranking of #77 and a 2006 CPI ranking of 2.8. The CIA Factbook (est. 2004) lists the Ukraine as 19% Ukrainian Orthodox, Kiev Patriarchate; 16% Orthodox (no particular jurisdiction); 9% Ukrainian Orthodox, Moscow Patriarchate; 6% Ukrainian Greek Catholic; 1.7% Ukrainian Autocephalous Orthodox, and 38% other or none. These statistics alert us to several dynamics. First, historically the Ukraine has been divided between the Western (Poland-Lithuania, Austria) and Eastern (Russian) European civilizations. Huntington calls it a cleft country for that reason. We would thus expect tensions between the Western and Eastern sections of the country both religiously and politically. Second, the various strands of Orthodox Christianity alert us to the fact that some parts of this religious tradition will focus on the Moscow Patriarch and some on Kiev, with many variations. The Greek Catholic Church began in 1596 when many Orthodox were pressured by their Polish rulers to join the Roman Catholic Church while keeping their non-Latin liturgy. Third, since this is a post-Communist country, the population will have a higher percentage of people who left religious practice altogether, but they might remain “culturally Orthodox,” similar to the Russian experience. Pope John Paul II tried to bring reconciliation of Roman Catholics, Russian Orthodox, and Ukrainian Orthodox when he visited the country in June 2001. Ukrainian Orthodox Metropolitan Filaret of Kiev welcomed the pope, but Moscow Patriarch Aleksey II criticized the visit. Ukrainian President Leonid Kuchma, under fire for corruption and lack of economic progress, invited the pope to emphasize his country’s desire to join Europe, which the pope supported. When Kuchma decided not to pursue a third term, the two leading candidates represented the two sections of the country. Viktor A. Yushchenko had his major support in the West and advocated joining the E.U. Viktor F. Yanukovich came from the East and was supported by Putin. Yanukovich won in a tainted election, which was then overturned by the Orange Revolution demonstrations in Kiev backed by E.U. diplomatic initiatives. In the following vote, Yushchenko won 52% and became president in December 2004. Yushchenko made his first visit to Moscow to try to repair relations with Putin since the Ukraine depends on Moscow for trade and natural gas. Yushchenko’s Our Ukraine Party declined, however, in the parliamentary vote of March 2006. After a long series of negotiations, Yanukovich became prime minister on August 4, 2006. Both leaders immediately appealed for national unity. It is clear that the future of the Ukraine depends on both tendencies within the country and on the European Union and Russia. In the election of October 2007, Yanukovich's Party of the Regions won 175 of the parliament's 450 seats, with Ms. Tymoshenko's Bloc Tymoshenko at 156 and Yushchenko's Our Ukraine at 72. Those with support in the Western part of the country, Tymoshenko and Yushchenko, then formed a coalition to make Tymoshenko prime minister. But the two leaders have a history of making deals that collapse. Yushchenko fired Tymosheko earlier when she was prime minister. Kuzio ("Muddling Along," below) summarizes, "Democratic reform will inevitably be evolutionary" because of regionalism and the lack of a firm offer to join the E.U. "The upside of this is that regional diversity by its nature in Ukraine makes it difficult for any political force to monopolize power, thereby making an autocratic system an unlikely outcome. The down side is that consensus politics leads to muddled progress in reform." 2. Religion and Politics Sections: “Western Christianity and the Byzantine Empire” (pp. 98-101) “Orthodox Europe in the Post-Communist Period” (pp. 150-55) 3. A Few Books or Articles: Perica discusses the ambiguity of the Orthodox tradition, both part of Europe and alienated from some of its values. Perica explains the differences by the historical experiences of the Byzantine “caesaropapism” and the Ottoman millet, both of which identified the church with national identity. Davis discusses the history of the Russian Orthodox Church, a major religious actor in the Ukraine. Byrnes explains transnational Roman Catholicism in Postcommunist Europe. Kuzio analyses the current state of the political system after the Orange Revolution and the elections of 2006 and 2007. Perica, Vjekoslav, “The politics of ambivalence: Europeanization and the Serbian Orthodox Church,” in Byrnes, Timothy A., and Katzenstein, Peter J. Religion in an Expanding Europe (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 176-203. Davis, Nathaniel. A Long Walk to Church: A Contemporary History of Russian Orthodoxy (Boulder, Co.: Westview Press, 1995). Byrnes, Timothy A. Transnational Catholicism in Postcommunist Europe (Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield, 2001). Chapters One, Two (Poland), Three (Hungarian Minorities), Four (Croatia), Five. Kuzio, Taras, "Ukraine: Muddling Along," Wolchik, Sharon L, and Curry, Jane L., eds. Central and East European Politics: From Communism to Democracy (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2008), 339-67. 4. Other Resource Materials: Byrnes, Timothy A., and Katzenstein, Peter J. Religion in an Expanding Europe (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006). See throughout, but especially Chapters Six (Ramet, Orthodoxy and its “Idyllic Past”), Seven (Perica, “Serbian Orthodox Chruch”). Ellis, Jane. The Russian Orthodox Church: A Contemporary History (Bloomington, Indiana: Indiana University Press, 1986). Emerson, Michael. Redrawing the Map of Europe (London: Macmillian Press, 1998). Emerson situates this geographic area in the general context of Europe. Huntington, Samuel P. The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1996). Mojzes, Paul, and Swindler, Leonard. “Interreligious Dialogue Toward Reconciliation in Macedonia and Bosnia,” Journal of Ecumenical Studies 39, Vol. 1-2 (Winter-Spring 2002). Ramet, Pedro. ed. Catholicism and Politics in Communist Societies: Christianity Under Stress Volume 2 (Durham: Duke University Press, 1990). Ramet, Pedro. Cross and Commissar: The Politics of Religion in Eastern Europe and the USSR (Bloomington, Indiana: Indiana University Press, 1987). 5. Recent Articles: “Why the Fever in the Ukraine? A Few Not-So-Easy Answers,” New York Times, December 22, 2004. Why did the Orange Revolution succeed in overturning fraudulent election? “Yushchenko Wins 52% of Vote; Rival Vows a Challenge,” New York Times, December 28, 2004. “How Ukraine’s Top Spies Changed the Nation’s Path,” New York Times, January 17, 2005. Role of intelligence services in success of Orange Revolution. “Ukraine Leader Fires Cabinet as Reform Coalition Splits,” New York Times, September 9, 2005. President Yushchenko fires Prime Minister Tymoshenko. “Reform Leader Suffers Setback in Ukraine Vote,” New York Times, March 27, 2006. Both Yanukovich and Tymoshenko’s parties did much better than the president’s. The vote reflected Yushchenko’s poor economic showing and the winter shortages of Russian gas. “6 Weeks After Ukrainian Vote, It’s Unclear Who Won,” New York Times, May 13, 2006. In 450-seat parliament, Yanukovich’s Party of the Regions holds 186, Tymoshenko’s 129, Yushchenko’s Our Ukraine 81, Socialists 33, Communists 21. No majority yet. “Putin Favorite Ee-emerging in Ukraine: 2005 Election Loser Gathers Support,” New York Times, July 19, 2006. Communists and Socialists throw their support behind Victor F. Yanukovich, which may make possible parliamentary coalition. President Viktor A. Yushchenko said that if that happened, he would take his One Ukraine party into opposition, not join a broad governing coalition. “Ukraine in Uneasy Power Balance as Premier Is Approved,” New York Times, August 5, 2006. Yanukovich becomes prime minister with votes of 273 of 296 members of the 450-seat parliament present. "Ukrainian Prime Minister, Once Seen as Archvillain, Reinvents Himself," New York Times, September 30, 2007. Old Soviet bureaucrat, with the help of American consultant Paul J. Manafort, gains popularity by presenting himself as an anticorruption reformer who wants to bring the Ukraine closer to the West. "Orange Revolution Parties Will Share Power in Ukraine," New York Times, October 16, 2007. Parliamentary election results. "Slavic Rivals Embroiled in Church Rift," New York Times, July 30, 2008. At 1,020th celebration of founding of Orthodoxy in Kiev, Ukrainian president Yushchenko calls for an autonomous Ukrainian Orthodox Church. Russian leaders, including Patriarch Aleksy II, oppose. Ecumenical Patriarch Bartholomew was non-committal, warning against "problematic consequences for Ukraine's future." State and church was absorbed by Russia under Peter the Great. Bishop Yevstratiy, spokesman for Ukrainian Orthodox Church Kiev Patriarchate, which Moscow Patriarchate has declared heretical, "How can you live like neighbors when your neighbor says the house you live in is not your own house, but our common house?" There is also another autonomous Orthodox church and Roman Catholics to consider. "Russian Actions Reignite Tensions Over Strategic Port in Ukraine," New York Times, August 25, 2008. Tensions over naval base Sevastopol in the Crimea. September 10, 2008 |
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