Academic Freedom and Religious Freedom : Reflections on Free
Speech in the University
This article is a transcript of an "Ethics at Noon"
talk given January 31, 2008, by Robert M. O'Neil, former president
of University of Virginia and director of the Thomas Jefferson
Center for the Protection of Free Expression.
I am deeply grateful for the opportunity to meet with you
today. Although I taught law in the Bay Area for nearly a decade,
I must confess this is my first visit to Santa Clara. But I
assume it's never too late to make amends, thanks to the good
offices of Dean Don Polden of the Law School and Professors
Hanson and DeCosse of the remarkable Markkula Center for Applied
Ethics. The title of this event - Ethics at Noon - is a bit
daunting. It recalls my most challenging law school course,
which met thrice weekly at this very hour and - because of the
opaqueness of our professor - was affectionately known as "Darkness
at Noon." I hope today's gathering will afford a bit more
light.
What I should like to explore during our brief time together
is two related issues that have keen interest for me, and I
hope will intrigue you as well. One is academic freedom in the
religious university; the other religious freedom in the public
university. There are close, if not obvious ties, between the
two topics, which I hope will provide ample material for discussion
before our session concludes.
Let me start with a seemingly simple question, to which the
answer is not so simple. Suppose a friend asks: "As a person
who teaches or studies at a Jesuit university, are you as free
to write or speak as your counterparts at Cal or Stanford or
San Jose State?" As citizens, your freedoms are of course
not affected by the nature of your institution; the First Amendment
and the free speech clause of the California Constitution protect
all of us from government sanctions. But in your dealings with
your own institution, its affiliation may make a major difference.
For starters, most of us in public universities enjoy constitutional
liberties on campus that don't extend fully to our colleagues
in the private sector. Here, as in other areas, though, it turns
out that California has done it very differently. In fact, students
at Stanford are actually freer than their counterparts on public
campuses because California has enacted a unique ban on private
university speech codes and other constraints. Thus Stanford's
code was struck down by state courts a decade or so ago, while
Cal's code remains in force unchallenged. Just to complete this
bizarre picture, there are two further wrinkles: The statute
in question, called the Leonard Law, exempts the student speech
policies of all California church-affiliated institutions like
this one. Meanwhile, state law may regulate such matters at
CSU campuses like San Jose but not those of the University of
California because the UC Regents uniquely enjoy constitutional
status. Thus within a relatively short distance from here, we
actually have four different structures governing student speech
- one at Stanford, a different one at UC-Berkeley, yet another
at San Jose State and here at Santa Clara a legal situation
unlike any of the others. Happily, no other state is nearly
as confusing as California.
Now let me focus on the main issue I posed a moment ago: How
different, if at all, are speech and academic freedom at a religiously
affiliated university from the rights of those of us who teach
at secular institutions? This issue occasionally reaches the
national media, as it did last week with the comments of St.
Louis University basketball coach Rick Majerus. (Coach Majerus
recently appeared during a Hillary Clinton fundraiser on a St.
Louis television station, and in response to a question casually
remarked, "personally, I'm pro-choice" and later declared
himself to be "very much an advocate for stem-cell research."
News of these comments soon reached St. Louis' conservative
archbishop Burke, who urged university officials to sanction
the outspoken coach, expressing his "confiden[ce] that
[SLU] will deal with the question of a public representative
making declarations that are inconsistent with the Catholic
faith." University officials promptly told the media they
anticipated no reprisal, since "Rick's comments were his
own personal view" and were "made at an event he did
not attend as a university representative."
To our basic question, highlighted by this recent encounter,
one might expect an easy answer to this question - though even
if it were easy a lawyer would have to caution, "that depends."
And here it does indeed depend, as anyone familiar with the
issue would concede. The conventional wisdom across much of
the academic community is that the same basic standards apply
across the spectrum. But, like much conventional wisdom, this
view turns out to be as misleading as it is symmetrical.
From its inception, the American Association of University Professors
has recognized often markedly different values and missions
in the church-related college or university. Accordingly, the
AAUP's Basic 1940 Statement on Academic Freedom and Tenure contains
a "Limitations Clause" which addresses that very issue.
This clause recognizes that even eminent research universities
like Georgetown, Notre Dame, and Santa Clara, as well as Brigham
Young, Southern Methodist, Loma Linda and Yeshiva, may have
higher or more focused expectations of their faculties than
do their secular peers. Rather than enjoining the enforcement
of those expectations, AAUP Policy declares that "limitations
of academic freedom because of religious or other aims of the
institution should be clearly stated in writing at the time
of the appointment." This language implies, quite correctly,
that religious institutions may hold their faculties to standards
different from those permissible at a secular college or university.
There are, however, several notable qualifications: Such expectations
must be articulated and applied in a manner befitting due process;
they must reflect the special mission or values of the institution,
and they must therefore be limited to religious matters - making
clear that a church-related college may, for example, not constrain
the political speech or activity of its professors to
any greater degree than could a secular campus.
The Limitations Clause has had a rather tortuous history. A
1970 interpretative comment added, somewhat cryptically, that
"most church-related institutions no longer need or desire
[such a departure from academic freedom principles] and we do
not now condone such a departure." One might have inferred
that the Limitations Clause was about to be abandoned, or at
least modified beyond recognition. But a funny thing happened
on the way to the funeral, and by the late 1980s this clause
was reaffirmed. The Association's Committee A on Academic Freedom
and Tenure, noted at that time - again somewhat cryptically
- that "the invocation of [the Limitations] clause does
not relieve the institution of its obligation to afford academic
freedom." The Committee's chairman perceptively observed
that this language "begs the question of what obligations
a church-related institution has to afford academic freedom"
- a quandary which, he candidly recognized, "will apparently
continue to vex us."
Well, in practice this issue has proved less vexatious than
one might have feared. There have been fewer and fewer complaints
of disregard of the rights of professors at church-related institutions,
though they have not vanished entirely from the docket. Virtually
all the serious cases that have led to formal AAUP inquiry have
been decided on a mainly procedural basis, thus leaving open
the vastly more difficult substantive issue of how far a religious
institution may depart from the norms of secular higher education
in its expectations of its faculties with regard to religious
issues. Thus, for example, academic freedom violations have
been found at the flagship Mormon university Brigham Young,
evangelical Christian colleges like Nyack, Jewish institutions
such as Yeshiva, Catholic universities like St. Bonaventure,
and Loma Linda of the Seventh Day Adventist faith.
Yet in each case the institution's dereliction turned out to
be a procedural failure adequately to warn the faculty member
of its unusual expectations, not the application of a substantively
unacceptable policy. To quote from the critical language in
the resolution that imposed censure in the Brigham Young case
(with which I am especially familiar because I chaired AAUP's
Committee A on Academic Freedom and Tenure at the time): BYU's
stated limitations "provide inadequate guidance to faculty
members and give excessive discretion to the administration."
Notably, the several major investigations at Brigham Young have
involved only LDS faculty, whose commitment to the church -
measured in terms of "temple-worthiness" - had been
questioned. Although the university now employs a substantial
number of non-Mormon professors, none of them seems ever to
have suffered comparable constraints on their free speech or
extracurricular activities.
It would not be quite fair to say that AAUP has never addressed
issues of substance in dealing with church-related institutions.
The investigation of a faculty complaint at Gonzaga University
some years ago found no cause for censure even though the faculty
handbook reserved the right to dismiss non-tenured faculty for
"inculcation of viewpoints which contradict explicit principles
of faith and morals." That provision had been applied to
a particular Gonzaga professor in ways that the AAUP inquiry
found had afforded adequate notice of the university's special
needs, and that was the end of the case. Some critics at the
time charged that "Gonzaga got a pass" to the extent
that the AAUP report seemed to validate handbook language that
would not have passed muster in the regulations of a secular
institution. In cases such as this one, when the procedure passed
muster, there has simply been no occasion to address the far
harder question of what substantive limitations, if any, may
be imposed on academic freedom of those who choose to teach
in a religious institution. A brief inquiry into that deeper
issue might be helpful here.
There are a few relatively clear cases. When in the 1970s the
Concordia-St. Louis Seminary of the Missouri Synod of the Lutheran
Church required all its faculty members to swear an oath that
they would teach only the inerrancy of scripture, the Association
of Theological Schools stepped in to impose "notations"
on the school's professional accreditation. Again, though, the
primary focus was more on process than substance. The chief
proponent of sanctions within the ATS board happened to be the
President of the Fuller Seminary; after noting that "I
yield to no one in my insistence on inerrancy," he explained
why Concordia's crude method of imposing such a commitment upon
its theologians contravened basic principles of fairness and
due process. Krister Stendahl, then Dean of the Harvard Divinity
School and later head of the Official Lutheran Church in his
native Sweden, asked the three pastors who supported the inerrancy
oath: "You do this in the name of Martin Luther; do you
know anything about Martin Luther?"
Because Concordia's procedures were so seriously flawed, we
never found out how the merits of the inerrancy issue would
have been resolved -- though even a conservative divinity school
would have had a hard time demonstrating the requisite link
between its mission and the challenged policy. Of course one
should recognize that schools of theology and divinity make
a special case that does not apply even to other church-affiliated
institutions; I vividly recall a dinner meeting of the Trustees
of the Carnegie Foundation for the Advancement of Teaching,
where discussion focused on the recent dismissal of the outspoken
liberal Catholic theologian Fr. Charles Curran by Catholic University.
Our special guest of the evening, Georgetown President Fr. Tim
Healey, insisted that "Charlie Curran is no freer to express
dissonant views than the professor of military tactics at West
Point." Though the analogy seemed to some of us slightly
flawed, Father Healey had the last word for reasons that any
of you who knew him will readily appreciate.
Since our focus this noon is ethics, let me suggest that church-related
universities inevitably face an ethical dilemma in this volatile
area. On one hand, each is a member of a community of faith
which articulates certain principles that may differ substantially
from those that prevail elsewhere in a secular society. Religiously
affiliated institutions of higher learning may reasonably be
expected to perpetuate and underscore those values in preparing
its citizens for productive lives.
On the other hand, such colleges and universities are also members
of the larger academic community, and are thus committed to
the pursuit of truth even where that pursuit may conflict with
or diverge from religious values and beliefs. Moreover, increasing
numbers of their professors and students are not members of
the sponsoring religious order, and they come to such universities
seeking an educational experience comparable to what they would
receive at a secular campus. Perhaps most important, church-affiliated
institutions are no less bound to respect and protect basic
tenets of academic freedom than are their secular peers, even
though the Limitations Clause does afford some latitude in regard
to the expectations they may impose. If there is an ethical
dilemma here, it arises at two distinct levels - facing both
those guardians of academic freedom like AAUP who interpret
and apply the Limitations Clause, and those administrators and
trustees at the campus level who take advantage of the latitude
that clause affords. I could hardly offer any magical solution
to this perplexing dilemma. But I do wish we could discuss academic
freedom in religious institutions more freely than we usually
do - as much among those of us on the secular side as our sectarian
colleagues.
Let me now turn to my other topic - religious freedom in the
public university. This theme takes us up and across the Bay.
The University of California-Berkeley, where I spent my first
decade in teaching, and where my oldest son and his wife met
as undergraduates, has been embroiled in two controversies on
precisely this issue. I suspect some of you have followed one
or both; as is often the case with issues of importance to higher
education, the Mercury's coverage has been exemplary.
Several years ago, a group of UC science professors obtained
a grant from the National Science Foundation to create and post
a website called "Understanding Evolution." That site
contains a number of references not only to materials and sources
that explain and elaborate the Darwinian theory of evolution,
but also links to many religious organizations that have asserted
and proclaimed the compatibility of faith and evolution.
Barely had the website become accessible to the public than
a group of evolution opponents filed suit in federal court against
UC-Berkeley and the NSF, claiming that the contents of Understanding
Evolution violate the Constitutional mandate for the separation
of church and state. Specifically, the plaintiffs argued that
by linking to the religious groups' statements of compatibility,
the university was "taking a position on evolution and
attempting to persuade minor students to accept that position."
Such a posture, declared the critics, was "the height of
hypocrisy for this to be coming from people who claim that they
are trying to keep religious instruction out of science class."
Although the website's faculty sponsors were understandably
reluctant to discuss matters with the media, Professor Ron Caldwell
did explain that Understanding Evolution was designed to help
teachers - especially those who were under pressure from creationists
or proponents of Intelligent Design - to explain more clearly
the scientific view of the origins of human life. The references
to religious groups that stressed compatibility was strictly
a factual component of the website, hardly intended to (or really
even capable of) proselytizing. The case was recently dismissed
on a purely procedural ground - lack of standing among the plaintiffs
- with no ruling on the merits.
Had the court addressed them, the merits of the challengers'
claim could be readily dismissed. Even far more aggressive advocacy
of evolution could hardly be deemed a violation of the Establishment
Clause, since nothing remotely "religious" would be
promoted by such advocacy. Elevating science over faith - even
if that had been the thrust of this website - could not remotely
breach the wall of separation between church and state. Nor
could such material be deemed in any sense to abridge the Free
Exercise of Religion - a claim that might have been but apparntly
was not advanced by this lawsuit; clearly no threat to anyone's
belief, much less religious practice, was even remotely implied.
Thus the dismissal of such a suit seems a mere formality, and
should have occurred long since. The deeper concern is the potential
implication of this case for academic freedom in a public university.
Individual faculty sponsors of the website were named as defendants,
though represented ably by UC attorneys. Thus a major scholarly
commitment had been assaulted and challenged in federal court.
Substantial time and energy had to be devoted to preparing the
University's response. Should the case have gone to trial on
the merits, surely some of the faculty who designed the website
would have been called as witnesses, thus further undermining
their commendable commitment to further science education on
a critical and contentious issue. While the university made
a vigorous commitment to the defense of the lawsuit, and spoke
out strongly in support of the responsible professors, irreparable
harm was nonetheless inflicted. The next time a group of university
scientists is invited to take on a comparable assignment, they
may well think twice as they reflect on recent events here in
the Bay Area.
Actually Understanding Evolution is only part of the problem.
Not long after the legal complaint over the webpage, several
Christian secondary schools and the national association that
represents them filed suit in federal court in Los Angeles,
pressing a constitutional claim against the University of California's
undergraduate admissions policies. The specific focus of this
suit was action taken a couple of years earlier to deny future
eligibility to certain high school science curricula that used
undeniably creationist textbooks. Among the suspect materials
were a biology book that calls Darwinian evolution "a retreat
from science" and a physics text that treats the Bible
as infallible truth ("the only sure truths are found in
God's Word, which is settled forever in Heaven; the Bible, written
by an omniscient God, can never be proved wrong.") UC faculty
who reviewed the proffered teaching materials had designated
a small number of such books as deficient, with the result that
courses based upon them would no longer satisfy the science
component of the admissions process. The plaintiffs, in contrast,
argue that since "viewpoint" teaching materials focused
on feminism or other values still satisfy the admissions criteria,
Christianity has been a target of unconstitutional bias.
This lawsuit, like the legal challenge to the website, should
have been a prime candidate for easy and early dismissal. Apart
from the absence of any actionable claim of discrimination or
denial of religious liberty, there is another and equally compelling
factor. Courts have long deferred to the framing and application
of admissions criteria as a core component of academic freedom
- the central premise, in fact, of Justice Lewis Powell's pivotal
opinion in the Bakke case on the role of race in the UC-Davis
Medical School admissions. Yet the district judge in Los Angeles
refused last summer to dismiss the Christian schools' suit,
noting that if the alleged bias could be proved, "such
action would run afoul of the limits of [UC's] freedom to determine
its admission policies." A trial which was anticipated
for some time in 2007 has not yet occurred, and there is no
evidence of progress in any other form.
What we now have, therefore, is a dual and uniquely ominous
threat to academic freedom in the study and teaching about the
origins of human life. University of California science professors
seem to be at risk in two distinct arenas because of their commitment
to evolution and its teaching. What complicates the situation,
of course, is that the Christian schools in the admissions suit
advance a countervailing academic freedom claim of their own.
They insist that their right to select textbooks that meet the
special needs of their teachers and reflect the schools' religious
values has been abridged by UC's actions which disadvantage
their graduates in the increasingly intense competition for
college admission. Academic freedom for those seeking to enter
college is hardly comparable to the freedom of those who design
and teach courses, and fashion admissions standards, at the
college level. But the suggested parallel is at least superficially
troubling, as the survival of their legal challenge in federal
court seems to attest.
Here too there lurks an intriguing ethical issue we should not
disregard, however clear we may be about the merits. A devout
Creationist or Intelligent Design proponent might claim that
fervent opposition to the teachings of Darwin reflects not only
a theological imperative but an abiding personal belief. Thus,
the argument would run, going to court to suppress evolution
is not only ethically defensible, but even ordained. The answer
seems to me much clearer here than in our earlier ethical dilemma.
One who debunks Darwin is completely free to express his or
her dissonant views. Indeed, even a university professor may
widely advocate alternative views on the origins of human life
- as in fact one of my former Berkeley law colleagues continues
to do - unless one's discipline is biology or a related science,
in which case such views would almost certainly yield a judgment
of lack of fitness to continue as a scholar in that field. And
if one is charged with preparing science students for college,
ethical duty seems to me to compel the use of textbooks that
reflect established teachings even on contentious issues such
as origins of life. Both teacher and student are entirely free
to study Genesis at home or in church - or even in the school
library - but not to preach it in science class. Thus any ethical
dilemma must be resolved in favor of teaching and learning
evolution, whatever one may believe.
Let me conclude with a very different observation about freedom
in the contemporary academy and forces that threaten such freedom.
Had I been a professor at the University of Rome earlier this
month, I like to think that I would not only have refused to
sign, but would vigorously have opposed, the science faculty
petition demanding that Pope Benedict XVI not address the opening
convocation this month, apparently because of an article some
years ago seeming to condone the Vatican's seventeenth century
condemnation of Galileo. It is not that I would trivialize the
rationale for opposing the Holy Father's appearance. Even hinting
at tolerance for the Church's official rejection of Galilean
astronomy strikes me as profoundly contrary to principles of
science. Yet equally heretical seems to me the notion that one
deals with such misguided views by exorcising them - that if
they are out of sight they somehow also come to be out of mind.
In fact this recent controversy superbly illustrates how pernicious
such notions are; instead of engaging the issue in Rome or elsewhere,
the protest that caused the Pope to withdraw only served to
suppress the issue, shifting the focus from the core of academic
science to the treatment of a putative guest speaker. While
it would be naïve to assume that the Pope, in the manner
of Iranian President Ahmadinejad at Columbia a few months ago,
would have responded to questions or been willing to justify
his abhorrent views, the very willingness of an academic community
to hear (even Ex Cathedra) a speaker whose public pronouncements
it despises reflects the core of academic freedom. Let us hope
the next time such an issue arises, even in Rome, not all will
do as the Romans have done.
In the time that remains, I welcome comments and questions on
any of these issues or others. I regard this occasion as the
start of a dialogue in which I hope many of us will continue
to be engaged.
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